Carol Caref – CTU Research Lead · Jackson Potter – CTU Vice President · Brandon Johnson – Mayor of Chicago · Bill Ayers – Former Weather Underground Leader & Academic · Jennifer “Jen” Johnson – Deputy Mayor for Education, Youth & Human Services
Brandon Johnson, CTU strategist Jackson Potter, and former Weather Underground leader Bill Ayers — the new radicals don’t storm barricades, they shape policy.
From trans rights to BLM to migrant crises, shifting issues keep communities divided, distracted, and dependent.
This article is the first in a series of investigative papers documenting the current state of Chicago politics and the path that brought us here.
All facts and information come from firsthand knowledge gained while working inside the Chicago Teachers Union, following the coordinated removal of the United Progressive Caucus after its forty-year hold on the union’s leadership.
The neo-Maoist trans movement is not a grassroots push for equality — it is a deliberate political tool to break the homogeneity and social conservatism of immigrant and marginalized communities. In these communities, traditional values are anchored in religion, family, and cultural heritage.
By dismantling those anchors, the movement removes competing sources of loyalty, leaving the state as the primary moral and cultural authority.
Marxism — The Original Blueprint
Karl Marx’s revolutionary theory was built on the struggle between the working class (proletariat) and the ruling class (bourgeoisie). The aim: overthrow capitalism and replace it with a classless society where the means of production were owned collectively.
In pure Marxism:
All institutions that could challenge the revolution’s ideology had to be dismantled.
Loyalty to the party was paramount.
Competing loyalties — religion, ethnic heritage, family traditions — were treated as threats to the revolutionary state.
Maoism — Revolution Without End
Mao Zedong adapted Marxism to China’s reality, focusing on the peasantry rather than the industrial working class. Mao’s ideology went further: once the revolution succeeded, you didn’t stop.
Maoism in practice meant:
Continuous revolution — purging not just enemies but anyone showing “incorrect” thinking.
Destruction of traditional culture, from Confucian family values to local religious practices.
The Cultural Revolution (1966–1976) targeted “the Four Olds” — old customs, old culture, old habits, and old ideas.
Neo-Marxism and Neo-Maoism — Cultural First, Revolution Later
In the modern West, direct armed revolution isn’t the main tool. Instead, neo-Marxists and neo-Maoists adapt the old playbook to a democratic, media-driven, rights-focused society.
They aim to:
Use marginalized groups (racial minorities, sexual minorities, immigrants) as leverage points to challenge and weaken existing institutions.
Erode traditional loyalties — family, religion, community norms — that could compete with loyalty to the state.
Replace those with state-defined values and policies, concentrating power in government hands.
The struggle is framed less in terms of “class” and more in terms of identity and cultural politics.
Where the Trans Movement Fits
In this framework, the neo-Marxist trans movement isn’t just about equality — it’s a cultural wedge, especially in immigrant and marginalized communities with conservative values.
For these communities, gender norms are often deeply tied to religion, family honor, and cultural heritage. Challenging those norms disrupts internal cohesion and erodes the authority of elders, religious leaders, and family structures. Once those bonds are broken, communities become more dependent on the state as the final arbiter of morality and identity.
The irony? Neither classic Marxists nor Maoists would have tolerated trans identities in their ranks. Both systems demanded rigid gender conformity as part of social order.
It’s Not Just the Trans Movement
The same mechanism applies to other activist fronts: Black Lives Matter, Defund the Police, migrant rights activism, even climate protests.
Take Defund the Police:
It undermined public trust in law enforcement — one of the last institutions still tied to traditional order.
It created security vacuums, especially in vulnerable neighborhoods, making residents more dependent on government-led “community safety” programs.
It weakened an independent power center that could resist total state control.
Whether it’s trans rights, racial justice, migrant waves, or police abolition, the specific cause changes — the goal doesn’t. It’s always about weakening competing structures so loyalty flows upward to the government alone.
The Faux Revolutionaries — Chicago’s Case Study
Chicago Teachers Union (CTU) vice president Jackson Potter isn’t just loosely connected to radical politics — he is on record defending one of the most notorious domestic radicals in U.S. history.
In October 2008, while serving as a Chicago Public Schools teacher, Potter signed a national statement titled Support Bill Ayers — backing the former Weather Underground leader as he came under intense media scrutiny during Barack Obama’s presidential campaign.
The statement described Ayers as a “Distinguished Professor of Education and Senior University Scholar” and condemned what it called “determined and sustained political attack” against him.
It declared: “We, the undersigned, stand on the side of education as an enterprise devoted to human inquiry, enlightenment, and liberation. We oppose the demonization of Professor William Ayers.”
This was no small matter.
Ayers had co-founded the Weather Underground, organized the 1969 “Days of Rage” riots, and participated in bombings of U.S. government buildings. He evaded prosecution due to legal technicalities, never renouncing his radical past.
Like Ayers, Potter has shifted from street activism to institutional power.
Under his influence, the CTU champions causes like trans policy in schools, racial equity agendas, and defunding police — all aligning with the neo-Marxist strategy of undermining traditional authority and consolidating ideological control.
The Unasked Question
If Chicago’s Black mayor — elevated into office with the backing of Jackson Potter and the CTU’s political machine — truly represents Black Chicagoans, then why are Black residents still dying in record numbers on Chicago’s streets?
If this alliance is about justice and equity, why is there no equivalent urgency for public safety in the neighborhoods they claim to champion?
The uncomfortable answer: chaos isn’t a failure — it’s a strategy.
A destabilized community loses the ability to organize independently, defend itself, or resist political control. In that vacuum, dependency grows, and the same political class presiding over the crisis positions itself as the only solution.
The Final Contradiction
Classic Marxists and Maoists believed in tight control of society. They wouldn’t have abolished police — they would have expanded them, making law enforcement an ideological arm of the state.
So today’s calls to “defund” are not a vision of the end state. They are a destabilization tactic. Once power is consolidated, the state police would return — larger, more political, and more repressive.
And just as Soviet Marxism and Maoism criminalized homosexuality and crushed gender nonconformity, the trans activists and other allied movements fueling the current “neo” strategy would find themselves forced into conformity under the very system they helped to build.
In short: The faces and causes have changed since the Days of Rage, but the method hasn’t.
Neo-Marxist operators rotate identity-driven causes — trans rights, BLM, migrant waves, defund the police — to divide, distract, and keep communities dependent on the state and its political machinery at City Hall.
